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Against class A treatment of no more: experimental evidence from Czech

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DOČEKAL Mojmír

Rok publikování 2020
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Fakulta / Pracoviště MU

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Popis Background.Previous research on modified numerals established some widely accepted contrastsbetween comparative modifiers (CM) and superlative modifiers (SM) (see Büring 2008; Geurts andNouwen 2007; Nouwen 2015; Mayr 2013; Schwarz 2016 a.o.), such as: (i) CM don’t but SM do giveraise to obligatory ignorance implicatures; (ii) CM can scope over or under existential modals (EM)but SM have to outscope them. Ano more than Numconstruction (NMC), where negation andcomparison are combined in a way exemplified by an English sentence (1) from Nouwen (2008), tothis day the most developed formal treatment of NMC, is then claimed to allow both scopes w.r.t.EM (Nouwen 2008) and to have scalar bounding inference, signalling speaker’s well-informedness(ibid), since Englishno moreconstruction (unlike class B modifiers) give raise to equality readingslike (=50) for (1). Such claims seem to be supported by the comparative morphology of NMC. I bringnew experimental and corpus evidence against both claims, showing that (cross-linguistically) (i)NMC can be interpreted only with wider scope then EM; (ii) NMC is compatible (mostly) only withspeaker’s insecurity (or so-called variation) readings as SM. The experimental and corpus evidencecomes from Czech as it was observed before that Slavic languages (unlike English) generally don’tsupport speaker’s well-informedness NMC interpretation (Dočekal 2017).
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